Wednesday, 23 July 2014

Iran Offers to Aid Myanmar in Resolving Problems of Muslims

Sourcve englishfarsnews, 21 July
Iran Offers to Aid Myanmar in Resolving Problems of Muslims

TEHRAN (FNA)- Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif announced Tehran's readiness to help Myanmar settle the problems of the Muslim community living in the Southeast Asian country.

"The Islamic Republic of Iran's government is concerned about the situation of the Muslims in Myanmar and is ready to cooperate with the Myanmarese government to settle the problems of the Muslims," Zarif said in a meeting with Myanmar's new accredited ambassador to Tehran on Monday.

He also underlined the necessity for increasing cooperation with Myanmar in different economic, cultural and social fields.

The Myanmarese envoy, for his part, stressed that his government welcomes investment of Iranian companies in his country, and called for the expansion of economic and trade ties with Tehran.

Violence by extremist Buddhists against Rohingya Muslims has killed hundreds of them and forced many more to flee the country.

Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar account for about five percent of the country's population of nearly 60 million. They have been persecuted and faced torture, neglect, and repression since the country's independence in 1948. The UN recognizes the Rohingya Muslims living in Myanmar's Rakhine State as one of the world's most persecuted communities.

The Myanmar government has been repeatedly criticized by human rights groups for failing to protect the Rohingya Muslims. International bodies and human rights organizations accuse the government of turning a blind eye to the violence.

Monday, 21 July 2014

Rohingya fisherman killed at Naff River

Source Kaladanpress, 20 July

Teknaf, Bangladesh: A Rohingya fisherman was shot to death at Naff River by unknown persons today, at about 2:30 am while fishing in Burma side, a fisherman from border town said.The dead body was identified as— Abdul Amin (43), son of late Abdul Motalob, hailed from Ngarkhura north village of Bawli Bazar under the Maungdaw Township.

Amin went to the Naff River for fishing today midnight while a group of people suddenly appear in front of him and asked to give fish with Burmese language, but he refused, according to one of the fishermen.

On hearing the voice, one of the miscreants shot to him for refusing to give the fish. After hearing gunfire, some of the fishermen nearby rushed to the spot and rescued him. He was immediately brought to Bawli Bazar hospital for treatment but died on the way, the fisherman more added.

Nurul Amin, brother of the victim told the Kaladanpress, "My brother was killed by a group of people at Naff River for fish while he was fishing."

When asked Nurul regarding the murderers, he replied and believes that his brother was shot to death by Burma Border Police (BGP) because they spoke in Burmese.

According to fishermen, BGP frequently disturb the Rohingya and Bangali fishermen and snatch away fish from the fishermen while fishing in the Naff River.

Earlier, many fishermen were caught and killed by Burma's border security force (Nasaka) and many woodcutters and fishermen have been languishing in Burmese jail, fishermen further said.

Besides, a dead body was recovered from the Naff River bank of Shapuri Dip Zalia para by the police of Teknaf police station yesterday at about 2:00 pm. But, police are not able to identify the dead body as it is Rohingya or Bengali, according to official.

However, he was sent to Cox's Bazar government hospital for autopsy, official more added.

A Charge to the People of Burma Residing in Canada

Source Asiantribune, 20 July
Keynote speech by Prof. B T Win*

On March 2nd. 1962, the day the military takeover Burma, Eugene's Younger brother Sao Myee Myee Thaike was deliberately shot on that night as the Burmese army raided the President's home. Since then more than half of the past-century, the various military administrations of Burma, was one of the worlds' most repressive and isolated. Prof. T.B. Win

Then, eager to escape international sanctions and fear of losing its independence to China, which was dominating its economy, and international political agenda the regime"chose another path,"

But which path has the regime chosen: true democracy or window-dressing? Full elections are scheduled for 2015 but they will be meaningless unless the nation's 2008 Nargis Constitution changed.

That is not only because the charter was written to exclude Daw Aung San Suu Kyi from the presidency, though barring the nation's most qualified, competent, sincere, dedicated and popular politician would in itself make any vote illegitimate. It's also because the existing constitution preserves the military as untouchable, reserving for itself 25 percent of the seats in parliament, which is not compatible with democracy at all. But a critical question is whether the ex-generals will get their goal of installing a soft authoritarian rule instead of a hard core dictatorships with the tactic support of the West including Canada and join in the pretense? As a Burmese now in Diaspora what can you do in our own little way to stop this carnage?

Today is also the 67th Anniversary Martyr's Day. It was declared a holiday following the official independence of the country, and was publicly celebrated until the popular uprising of 1988, at which point the military junta, tried to wipe out Aung San family including the Union spirit from the Burmese scene. It is only now just two years it was recognized as a holiday, and the political spirit that accompanies, is coming back. So as we remember the Martyrs, including the ethnic leaders such as Saopha of Mong Pawn (Minister of Hill Regions) Karen Christian ethnic leader Mahn Ba Khaing (Minister of Industry) and Rakhine Muslim leader U Razak, (Minister of Education and Planning,) the Chairman of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom Party, the leading political party, fighting for independence from Britain. The Martyrs policy is to reject the partitioning of the nation along ethnic community or religious lines. Aung San principles and his government advocacy thus remain relevant to the most pressing issues the country faces today, which also coincide what Eugene Thaike has been doing throughout his whole life.

It is our historical task is for the prevalence of democracy, human rights and genuine federalism as envisage not only by our ethnic leaders but also by Aung San. The country that was born only in 1948 and we ethnics nationalities are equal partners and not under the yoke of Myanmar imperialism. If the concordat inked in Panglong in 1947 is not implemented or not recognized then every ethnic has the right to fight back.

It was in this paradigm that the world especially the self-style Burmese scholars should look at, if they are desirous to help solve the Burmese gridlock. Burma is not a monolithic whole dominated by the ethnic Myanmar race. The Non Myanmar and the Myanmar came together willingly and if it is not working well, they will have to trash it out and if they can't do it they have the right to go their own way as Malaysia and Singapore did way back in 1965. That is why the country ranks as the longest running civil war in the world. Why is there a civil war? It indicates that something is very, very wrong. We ethnic nationalities must continue to work and fight for our inalienable birth rights not only for us but for the younger generations.

As Burma opens up to the forces of the global market at an accelerating rate, we are reminded of Aung San's anti-imperialist views that strongly opposed economic exploitation. Before his assassination, he spoke openly against the British and accused them of destabilizing the region in order to protect their interests, a position that many suspect got him killed. Today several foreign companies have benefited immensely from the country's perpetual unrest, and so have the handful of Burmese cronies. The problem is that the benefit has not trickled down.

Appealing business opportunities are hard to resist. To establish good relations with Burma's former generals, essential for investment, the Western governments including Canada now focus on providing them with encouragement and support. They always put it in nice words like, "Our objective is to support and accompany Burma in the transition process. We believe that this can be done more effectively through engagement and support than continued sanctions," Superficial reforms have been rewarded at the risk of reinforcing the old, authoritarian power structures.

The quasi-military government has quietly returned to its old habit of arresting political dissidents, including journalists, while the West continues to hand out rewards. Conspicuously not included in the benchmarks for the human rights dialogue is the inhumane treatment inflicted on the Rohingya, Kachin, the Shan and other ethnic nationalities.

After years of punitive measures against the Burmese's generals the Western governments now favor the carrot over the stick. With a massive potential for investment in Asia's "last frontier economy," while it has toned down its advocacy for human rights in a competition to win over the country's quasi-civilian rulers.

Did the world knows that no former Generals now in mufti, have never admitted their mistakes, nor asked for forgiveness, let alone punishing them, this explicitly means that they will repeat the same atrocities, as they had done for more than half a century, if things doesn't go their way. Cronies still control the economy. While the army continues to justify its repressive rule as essential to keeping the fissiparous country together.

This is because Burma's reforms are often measured against the practices of dictatorial times and, compared with the relentless oppression of the past, the reformist generals come off well. On closer inspection, however, the reforms appear to lack the depth needed for the development of a democratic union, and power remains with the army. In this current structure the whole country is ruled by the military chief, not the president.

Significant power is also vested in the bureaucracy, which consists mainly of former military officials in civilian clothes and civilians appointed under preferential treatment. These officials have acted with impunity under decades of military rule and often lack the willingness, as well as the knowledge, to act in accordance with new laws and regulations. The obvious conclusion is that as long as the foundations of military rule remain in place, the large Western funds flowing into Burma carry the heavy risk of supporting authoritarianism, instead of democracy. It also help to assist creating poverty through corruptions: while the fundamental principle of Business Ethics, Corporate Responsibity, Sustainable Development – are not incorporated in the new concept,planet +people +profit.

The Western countries including Canada, are involved to do this peacebuilding, they're talking about development, when in fact the ethnic nationalities are not fighting to establish a free-market, they're fighting to establish their own identities, to gain full recognition as political communities.

When the West comes in and says that economic development will help de-escalate the conflict, actually the total opposite is what is happening. Maybe 20 years from today, anyone who does the history of development in Burma will write about the war in Kachin as the world's first war driven by developmental calculations. It's a war for development. It's a war about development. And this development is not about people, this development is about capital interest. People say, the process in Burma is not perfect, but everyone who uses that phrase – I like to ask is it better than what we had before – No! no, this is not better. Before we did not have genocide, we did not have a full-blown war against the Kachin. We did not have thousands of Burmese people displaced by mega-development projects. There is no land grabbing from the working people working on the land. Ethnic cleansing particularly the Rohingyas of the minorities is clearly connected to economic projects

Our focus should be on the people without the people being involved in any change process it's just elite power deals. So there are two processes going on, one is the elite pact and the elite deals that is portrayed as the opening up of Burma with commercial and strategic interests, and then you have ethnic and religious minorities fighting back for their survival. They are fighting out of liberal principles, 99% of these people don't know what the word liberal means, but they fight back. When your land is taken away, the next thing you know you don't have any plot of land to grow rice or vegetables or for your chickens to go, so this isn't over. This is never over.

Because we dread a reversal of the modest progress of the past few years, we are afraid to boldly speak out for more meaningful changes to the political system. To conceal their own timidity, some intellectuals have even tried to rationalize acceptance of the status quo by arguing that letting the supposed "moderates" among the ex-generals hold on to power indefinitely is the best way to ensure that the country doesn't fall back into the hands of the hardliners.

Will we allow ourselves to be influenced by such weak reasoning, which is no more than a cover for cowardice? We all know the fear of speaking our minds in a country where that has long been a crime. We know what we want: a democratic constitution, free and fair elections, and a government that is truly chosen by the people. What we don't know is how or whether we can achieve these things. And in our self-doubt, we may be tempted to do what we have always done: accept lies as truth and simply hope that we will one day enjoy the freedoms that other countries take for granted.

But we must all admit that Business always overrules the conscience, last month Canada welcome a Burmese tycoon Steven Law (Son of Opium king Lo Hse Han) with deep ties to the drug trade. His Burmese name is Htun Myint Naing, Managing Director of Yadana Taung Tan Gems, part of the Asia World Company, which is Burma's largest conglomerates. He was travelling under the Chinese name "Lo Ping Zhong", was traveling with Burma's Minister of National Planning and Economic Development U Kan Zaw during a four-day "Asean Economic Ministers Roadshow". Whatever justifications have the Canadian authorities it is a fact the Canadian authorities in BC has warmly shook hands with the Burmese drug war lord.

It was against this backdrop that Seng Zin, a well-known Kachin human – rights activist from Kachin Women Association of Thailand applied for a Canadian visa to attend a human-rights training program in Ottawa, as she was sponsored by the Nobel Women's Initiative, which offered to cover all her expenses. Despite having received a visa to visit France the immigration officials at the Canadian embassy in Bangkok denied her a visa on the ground that she lacked of financial resources. This is the real Canada but you will have to sing Oh Canada, the true North Brave and strong.

I am just comparing these two cases and am not tarnishing the image of Canada which has open its door to refugees or accusing any persons or department, lest I will be in trouble, (once I have been kick off from Singapore). What I am just advising my Burmese lesson that residing in Canada is tha Business always over rules the Conscious.

Now the second lesson is that more or less we Burmese are previously refugees or asylum seekers i.e. we are being forced to run away by the Juntas and have no choice but to come and eke out our living in this alien environment. Whether you are a white color or blue color worker you will have to remember that the unwritten Constitution in Canada isIf you don't know anybody you are out. And as new comers there is very little chance of knowing any VIPs. This is the situation we are facing here.

So my advice to you today is that you all must be united and try very, very hard and educate yourselves, especially if you are an ethnic nationality of Burma and be united. The least we can do as is that we should develop the list for those products which are produced in Burma especially private contracts with the ruling quasi-military government. We will have to study sanction list, boycott list of products, services which are contracted, manufacturing, production from Burma…. Executethe campaigns, and watch dog monitor & control. We must be able to compile the list of military family members and relatives, and submitted to the Canada government, and have a web-list for public-knowledge (in English) for the public to know.

• A Speech given by Kanbawza Win to the Burmese Ethnic Community in Surrey, BC, Canada

- Asian Tribune -

Prof. T.B. Win

Sunday, 20 July 2014

UN Human Rights new envoy doesn’t meet Rohingya in Maungdaw district

Source Kaladanpress, 19 July

Maungdaw, Arakan State: The United Nations new human rights envoy to Burma, Ms. Yanghee Lee, didn't meet Rohingya from Maungdaw district, said Halim, a Human Rights Watchdog from Maungdaw.
Ms. Lee arrived Maungdaw at 11:41 am, from Buthidaung by helicopter, officers from all departments welcomed her from the helicopter, Halim said.

The Human Rights envoy's first visit to Maungdaw Police station's custody to see the Rohingya and Rakhine detainees. But, she met only one Rohingya –Mawgyi Ullah, a person of government- pretending as detainee and Rakhine detainees in the custody, said a closed aide from Maungdaw police station, who denied to be named.

All Rohingya detainees were shifted to three miles Hluntin Headquarters from police custody, he added.

The envoy moved from police station to Daywanadi at jetty road and discussed with officers of all departments, he more added.

Besides, the envoy arrived Buthidaung from Akyab (Sittwe) in the morning by helicopter and visited to the Buthidaung Jail. There also she didn't able to meet the Rohingya prisoners and also not able to meet the local Rohingya community in Buthidaung, according to an elder from Buthidaung.

We keep the two groups -Rakhine and Muslim- separately to control not to happen again conflict. We will check the Muslim under the 1982 citizenship law and whoever get the citizenship will be allowed to go all over the country, said Rakhine state Chief Minister, when he met the UN Human Rights envoy in Akyab.

"The situation is going like this in Rakhine state, the peace process and moving towards democracy by the government will not reach to the target," said the envoy while she met the Rakhine state government.

When Kaladan Press Network asked to a local from Akyab about the statement of deputy minister Kyaw Kyaw Win, "If they themselves identify as Bengali and request to check their citizenship status, then we will process under the 1982 citizenship law," published Yangon Times Journal, Vol. 10, number 27. The local Rohingya said, "If we accept the Bengali, it was finished when the government started the collecting of census. We don't accept "Bengali" so far and we want "Rohingya" only.

Tuesday, 15 July 2014

Thai Junta to Repatriate Rohingya Muslims

Source onislam, 14 July
Described by the UN as one of the world's most persecuted minorities, Rohingya Muslims are facing a catalogue of discrimination in their homeland.

BANGKOK — An announcement by Thailand military government of plans to repatriate more than 100,000 Rohingya Muslim refugees who had fled violence and conflict across the border in recent decades has spread concerns among rights groups regarding the safety of refugees.

"We are not at the stage where we will deport people because we must first verify the nationality of those in the camps," army deputy spokesman Veerachon Sukhontapatipak told Reuters on Monday, July 14.

"Once that is done we will find ways to send them back. There are around 100,000 people who have been living in the camps for many years without freedom.

"Thailand and Myanmar [Burma] will help facilitate their smooth return," he added.

Described by the UN as one of the world's most persecuted minorities, Rohingya Muslims are facing a catalogue of discrimination in their homeland.

They have been denied citizenship rights since an amendment to the citizenship laws in 1982 and are treated as illegal immigrants in their own home.

The Burmese government as well as the Buddhist majority refuse to recognize the term "Rohingya", referring to them as "Bengalis".

In July 2012, Burmese President Thein Sein said that Rohingyas should be settled in a third country.

Fleeing state-sponsored persecution, an estimated 120,000 Burmese refugees fled to live in 10 camps along the Thailand-Myanmar border, according to The Border Consortium, which coordinates NGO activity in the camps.

Many fled persecution and ethnic wars as well as poverty and have lived in the camps with no legal means of making an income.

On its part, Thailand has not encouraged the immigration of Rohingya Muslims, considering them to be almost exclusively economic migrants.

Last May, Thailand's military overthrew the remnants of an elected government after months of sometimes violent street protests.

Its National Council for Peace and Order has rolled out a raft of tough measures it says are needed to restore order and has promised a return to democracy next year.


Commenting on the Thai decision, non-governmental organizations said they were concerned by a lack of infrastructure to help returnees rebuild their lives.

"The authorities said this time they are going to be very strict. It seems like they're really pushing for repatriation," said an aid worker who has been helping the refugees, who asked not to be identified because of the sensitive nature of the issue.

"The situation in the camps is very tense because people don't know what's going to happen."

Activist, Bo Kyi, a campaigner for the release of political prisoners in Burma, said security remained fragile in the border regions.

"Sending back refugees to Burma is really dangerous for most of the refugees because Burma did not get peace and we don't know [when] there will be another conflict in Karen state," Kyi told Voice of America.

"Burma is not ready [with] job creation for those returning refugees, and then land confiscation also landmine problems are not over yet. Therefore I have great concern," he said.

Debbie Stothard, spokeswoman for the rights group, Alternative ASEAN Network, said the Thai military has shown resolve to settle the refugee issue since seizing power in May.

"Now I think there's quite a strong fear that this is going to happen especially because the UN [United Nations] and international agencies have been working on this," she said.

"But the situation is still extremely fragile and dangerous. We're actually seeing more people displaced. And if you happen to be a refugee of Muslim background then you are particularly vulnerable," she said.

Monday, 14 July 2014

Rakhine State Chief Minister Met Rohingya Community in Sittwe

Source Rvision, 10 July

Sittwe (Akyab): The newly appointed Rakhine State Chief Minister U Maung Maung Ohn and his team met Rohingya Community in Sittwe on Tuesday, sources say.

Former Deputy Border Affairs Minister Maj-Gen Maung Maung Ohn has been recently appointment as the Chief Minister Rakhine State represented the state parliament as a Military MP. (Photo: DVB)

The meeting was Maung Maung Ohn's first meeting with local Rohingya community since he has been appointed as the chief minister of the state. Accompanying him in the meeting were

1) Western Military Command Maj-Gen Aung Lin Htwe and his team,

2) Rakhine State Border Affairs Minister Colonel Htin Lin and his team,

3) Chief of the Rakhine State Police Force Colonel Nay Myo and his team

4) and Rakhine State Immigration Minister U Kyaw Yein Oo and his team.

U Maung Maung Ohn held preliminary talks on classifying Rohingyas as Bengalis and possible citizenships for Rohingya in the meeting held at 7:30PM on June 8.

In the meeting, he said "We will scrutinize Muslims in Rakhine State under 1982 Citizenship Law latest by December this year. We will examine if there are any illegal Bengali immigrants among you as per the demands made by Rakhine ethnic people. You have to cooperate with us.

We will provide citizenships to the people that have official documentary evidences issued before 1990. But we will classify you and your race as Bengali" said an internally displaced Rohingya on the condition anonymity and quoting the speech delivered by the minister.

Afterwards, U Aung Thein on behalf of Rohingya representatives gently replied "we are glad to have a chance to meet your Excellency Minister U Maung Maung Ohn. We, first of all, would like to greet your Excellency, Regional Military Commander and all other gentlemen in the meeting.

We, Muslims in Rakhine State, and our forefathers together with other ethnic people have been living here since immemorial until today. We participated in independent movements of the country and events during the time of independence. From the time of independence until 1990, we had been officially recognized as Rohingya. Post 1990, due to influence and incitement by Rakhine extremists, officials especially Rakhine state immigration has started to do crafty activities in order to wipe out not only Rohingya term but also Rohingya History.

However, according to historical evidences and in the earlier government official list of 144 indigenous ethnic groups included and recognized us as not Bengali but Rohingya. Although our ethnic name in the later government official list of 135 indigenous groups was removed, yet it didn't mention that we are Bengalis. We want to hold a dialogue with the government according to historical evidences. Gentle men can also find the term 'Rohingya' in historical evidences.

Nonetheless, we have been forcibly branded a label of illegal Bengali immigrants only post 1990 due to the demands made by the extremist section of Rakhine community. We are historically and racially Rohingyas. If the union government refuses us as Rohingya, we are sorry to say that we won't be able to cooperate. We abide by the existing union law. We kindly request you to consider us under the existing union law and from humane point of view."

Rohingya community representatives that attended the meeting are:

1) U Aung Thein from Aung Mingalar Quarter

2) U Shwe Hla from Aung Mingalar Quarter

3) U Hla Kyaw from Aung Mingalar Quarter

4) U Maung Maung Sein from Thay Chaung village

5) U Hla Kyaw from Thay Chaung village

6) U Shomshu from Thay Chaung village

7) U Ba Sein from Thay Chaung village

8) U Ba Maung from Thay Chaung village

9) U Shwe Maung from Bumay Quarter

10) Retired Police Officer U Hla Myint from Dar Paing village

11) Mv Amin Shariff from Dar Paing village

12) U Maung Ba from Dar Paing village

13) Mv Muhiyiidin from Thakkay Pyin Village

14) And U Oathman from Ohn Daw Gyi IDP Camps.

*Rakhine State was formerly known as Arakan state.

Friday, 11 July 2014

The Slow-Burning Genocide Of Myanmar's Rohingya

Source Maungzarni, 10 July
By Maung Zarni and Alice Cowley
Abstract: Since 1978, the Rohingya, a Muslim minority of Western Burma, have been subject to a state-sponsored process of destruction. The Rohingya have deep historical roots in the borderlands of Rakhine State, Myanmar, and were recognized officially both as citizens and as an ethnic group by three successive governments of post-independence Burma. In 1978, General Ne Win's socialist military dictatorship launched the first large-scale campaign against the Rohingya in Rakhine State with the intent first of expelling them en masse from Western Burma and subsequently legalizing the systematic erasure of Rohingya group identity and legitimizing their physical destruction. This on-going process has continued to the present day under the civilian-military rule of President Thein Sein's government. Since 2012, the Rohingya have been subject to renewed waves of hate campaigns and accompanying violence, killings and ostracization that aim both to destroy the Rohingya and to permanently remove them from their ancestral homes in Rakhine State.
Findings from the authors' three-year research on the plight of the Rohingya lead us to conclude that Rohingya have been subject to a process of slow-burning genocide over the past thirty-five years. The destruction of the Rohingya is carried out both by civilian populations backed by the state and perpetrated directly by state actors and state institutions. Both the State in Burma and the local community have committed four out of five acts of genocide as spelled out by the 1948 Convention on the Punishment and Prevention of the Crime of Genocide. Despite growing evidence of genocide, the international community has so far avoided calling this large scale human suffering genocide because no powerful member states of the UN Security Council have any appetite to forego their commercial and strategic interests in Burma to address the slow-burning Rohingya genocide.

The Slow-Burning Genocide Of Myanmar's Rohingya
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- See more at: http://www.maungzarni

Unity Journalists Sentenced to 10 Years Imprisonment With Hard Labor

Source Irrawaddy, 10 July
The Jan. 25, 2014 issued of the Unity journal is pictured in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)The Jan. 25, 2014 issued of the Unity journal is pictured in Rangoon. (Photo: The Irrawaddy)
MANDALAY — The Pakokku Township Court sentenced four journalists and the CEO of the Unity journal to 10 years imprisonment with hard labor on Thursday for reporting allegations that a Burmese military facility in Magwe Division was being used to manufacture chemical weapons.

The five men have been in military custody since they were detained by the Burmese police force's Special Branch shortly after the Jan. 25 publication of a report about the facility, which included photographs of the alleged chemical weapons factory.
The President's Office filed a lawsuit against Unity journal's CEO, Tin Hsan, 52, and journalists Lu Maw Naing, 28, Sithu Soe, 22, The Yazar Oo, 28, and Aung Thura, 25, for publishing state secrets and trespassing. According to the defendants' lawyer, the court passed down sentences on Thursday that will see all five serve 10 years in prison and carry out hard labor.

Lwin Lwin Myint, the wife of Lu Maw Naing, said the court's decision was "inhumane."
"We didn't expect they would get sentences with hard labor. How could they sentence 10 years with hard labor for reporting news?" Lwin Lwin Myint said. "This is inhumane and we are now worrying for their health."

The journalists' lawyer, Robert San Aung, told The Irrawaddy that the decision would be appealed.

"The Media Law has just been enacted and the court's decision should go accordingly with the Media Law," he said, referring to the recently passed legislation, which does not include prison terms for journalists found to have breached the law in their work.
"Sentencing young journalists to 10 years and hard labor is extreme and unreasonable. We will submit an appeal to a higher court soon."

The lawyer also questioned why the lawsuit was filed by the President's Office and not the Defense Ministry. "We just want to say that the legislature and the judiciary of this country are still under the control of some people," he added.
Currently, the journalists are detained at Pakokku prison, but family members are concerned that they will soon be sent to prisons in remote parts of the country.

Burma Military’s Hidden Chemical Weapon Factories

18 Dec 2011,

Currently, Burmese army is attacking Kachin homeland to occupy land to lay (Than) Shwe gas and oil pipelines for China. Kachin soldiers felt sick inhaling smokes from exploded Burmese mortar shells. At least, the author used satellite imageries posted on Google Earth, and identified chemical factories located in a complex of Burma’s DI near Htonbo village near Padaung (town).
Peace on Earth & Happy New Year 2012!

According to news from the war zone on October 30, 2011, a series of fighting between Kachin Independence Army (KIA) and Burmese army at Garayan, Shwe-nyaung-pin, Lon-zut-kon villages, and In-thut hill near Laizer KIA headquarters. (See map below) Due to the higher causalities with the government troops, it appeared to be that the military has started using chemical weapons which is restricted in the internal warfare by the UN. According to the KIA sources, soldiers got dizzy, vomited and collapsed after breathing the smoke from exploded shells from Burmese (military) mortar shells. The chemical shells must have been used with 81 mm and 120 mm mortars, according to some local analysts. (source: in Burmese)
Mortars made in Burma Defense Industry (DI) Sites
Certainly, Burma Defense Industry sites (DI) have produced shells of 105mm artillery, 120mm, 81mm, and 60mm mortars. Former Major Aung Lynn Htut (Burmese military attaché at Washington D.C.) noted that those kinds of shells have been produced at No (2) Defense Industry, Malun Village, Upper Min Hla Township, Magwe Division; No (3) Defense Industry, Sinte Village, Pantaung (Padaung) Township, Bago Division, and No (12) DI, near Sakhangyi village, Thayet Township, Magwe Division. (

Defense Industries (DIs) where rockets and mortars produced
Using a series of 2009 satellite imageries posted on Google Earth , the DIs mentioned above were able to identify along the western side of Irrawaddy River. Since under the rule of late dictator Ne Win, many of the DIs were established, but after Than Shwe seized power in1992, more DI installations were expanded inside rugged mountains located eastern edges of Arakan Yoma (Ranges).
No (2) DI Complexes (Minhla/Malun)
This DI has been designed by experts from Singapore Government Technology Company. It’s a site for testing weapons coming from Singapore. DI #2 has produced 105mm artillery, 120mm, 81mm, 60mm mortars and MA-5 machine guns.
DI #2 complexes have been spread out in Upper Minhla District. The newest establishment was located at a place in rugged mountains, one and a half mile south of Lebingyin village and eight miles west of Minhla (town). In comparison to 2007, this DI was still expanding in 2010.
This DI complex was found at a flatter basin surrounded by rugged mountains, located five miles west of Minhla (town). Most of the structures appeared to be warehouse type of factory or storage.
Malun (town) is located three miles south of Minhla (town). The military factories were well established since the dictator Ne Win’s era. The factories were built on the foothills on the southern rim of the town. There were no traces of established chemical structures in there.

No (12) DI Complexes (Thayet)
No (12) DI is located near Sakhangyi village, Thayet Township, Magwe Division. Shells of 105mm artillery, 120mm,81mm, 60mm mortars have been produced here. Weapon technology here was introduced by Daewoo Company of South Korea for body of the shells. The internal parts of the shell was taught by a company from Czech Republic which then left after Czech became a NATO member.
This DI #12 Complex is located 6 miles west of Thayet (town) located specifically in the rugged maintains. The structures appeared more of a warehouse or storage type of factories.
No (3) DI Complexes (Sinde, Pegu Division)
Since the dictator Ne Win era, DI #3 complex was built at Sinde Village, Pantaung Township, Bago Division. Its primary responsibility is to manufacture for ammunition that it produces 40,000 shells monthly for 105 mm artillery gun, 120 mm, 81 mm and 60 mm mortars.
Sinde is a village located on the west bank across the Irrawaddy River from Prome. It is one of the oldest DI establishments. The factory buildings in 2008 appeared to be the same shape as those seen in 2003 satellite photos.
(No) 6 DI Complexes (Padaung, Pegu Division)
The DI structures near Padaung (village) are about the same age of those in Sinde. DI #6 was responsible for producing bullets shells and copper plates for small arms. It was designed and built by Chinese.
There are two DI factories built in the spurs of the hills located one to two miles west of Okshittpin village. (See left above) A new establishment has begun at a place in the hills located four miles south of Okshittpin. (See right above)
(No) 5 DI Complex -- Chemical Production in Htonbo
This site is located 6 miles west of Htonbo village on the west bank of Irrawaddy. This DI complex has been built on a hilly terrain, but not in rugged maintains like the other complexes. It must have been built in the 1990s. More structures had sprawled between 2004 and 2009. There was no documentation on this DI. The author now exposed its existence by interpreting satellite imageries on Google Earth. The following photos will show significant structures revealing the production of chemicals inside Htonbo DI.

The evidence that the existence of chemical factories in this DI can be seen on the photos above, now. After previewing the photos, Mr. Robert Kelley (SIPRI) who has examined satellite imageries throughout his career, confirmed that there were chemical factories. Maj. Sai Thein Win (a defector Burmese military engineer) confirmed that explosives were produced in DI #5 while he was visiting this complex once. He was informed that HCl acid chemical production has been stopped. Ex-major Aung Lynn Htut (a defector Burmese senior intelligence officer) believes that those who were working in this complex may not know if the chemicals would be used for weapons.
KIA sources reported that some rocket shells exploded in the air, and the others on the ground. Major Sai Thein Win, in his analysis on the possible production of Burma’s chemical weapon in, explained that air-born explosive could be possible to make by using chemical agent instead of smoking agent, placing inside the shell of 84 mm rockets. But he still believes that it is still too delicate to install chemical agents inside the 81 mm rocket propelling grenades produced at the DI facilities.
Catch me if you can!
The 1993 Chemical Weapons Convention bans the production and use of chemical weapons. ( Burma is accustomed to using chemical weapons during the battles against MTA Khun-sa arms forces, and Karens. Once, Maj. Aung Lynn Htut was at the battle field during Burmese soldiers heavily lost by Karen resistance. His attempt to investigate the use of chemical planted shells by Gen Maung Aye's plan who was inspecting the battle field, failed. Maj. Htut explained that those soldiers or the commanders might not even notice that they were using chemical weapons because the shells (rockets/projectiles) installed with chemical agent looked the same as the regular conventional shells, and they were all mixed together in the shell cases (boxes).
Production of chemical weapons has been a top most secret even within military apparatus. Once, the military intelligence service (MIS) branch had to back out of the attempted investigation inside the DI facility where explosives were produced (near Aung San Suu Kyi was house-arrested). The MIS’s effort to get access to the site was denied by the Infantry Branch. ( Burmese military normally use mild mustard gas, so that the effect is not fatal but effective; and the gas disperses in a few minutes. They leave no smoking gun.
The Burmese army would say, “Well, catch me if you (the OPCW - Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons) can?

Interestingly, a video link came to me with a report on another allegation of the use of Burma army's chemical weapons against karenni resistance soldiers in Kayah state. This British Channel 4 report revealed that there were medical doctors from California, USA, at the fallen Burmese camp site, and that the doctors were examining victims to prove the use of chemical weapons. The readers may view this video at:

It sounds funny for so-called President Thein Sein and Sr Gen Min Aung Hlaing for being able to use sneaky tactics of using chemical weapons. Burma has signed in CWC that it's no joke using chemical weapons against minorities, or anyone because it is a violation of war crime act. Currently, it is about to appointing an official Commission of Inquiry to investigate alleged war crimes perpetrated by the military rulers of Burma. No doubt, so-called retired Sr Gen Than Shwe who is still pulling the strings to Thein Sein and Min Aung Hlaing, will be enlisted as the number one war criminal. Probably, Mr. President of Burma and Mr. Senior General of Burma should now realize that who would be next in line in war ciminal list after the god father of Burmese military?

Note: This observation is based on the interpretation of satellite imageries taken in 2009 and before that were posted on Google Earth. Once 2011 photos are available on Google, more expanded military weapon factories can be identified.
Acknowledgement: Google Earth , Rober Kelley (Austria), Sai Thein Win, Aung Lynn Htut, The Power of Fraternity website, DVB, Kachin News Group
(This document in Burmese language could be viewed at:
(The Burmese version can also be located in the facebook at "Jhango Win".)

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Wednesday, 9 July 2014

Myanmar camp baby a brief chapter in painful story

Soure AP, 8 July
AP Photo
In this June 27, 2014 photo, tears roll down the face of Shamshu Nahad after she learned that her newly born daughter has died in Dar Paing, a camp for Rohingya Muslims in north of Sittwe, Rakhine state, Myanmar. Living under apartheid-like conditions, she and other residents have little or no access to life-saving medical care, food, clean water, or jobs. (AP Photo/Gemunu Amarasinghe)

SITTWE, Myanmar (AP) -- Hours after Shamshu Nahad gave birth to her second child, a beautiful baby girl, her husband was digging its grave.

The tiny corpse, wrapped in white cloth, was placed on a straw mat and lowered into the moist earth, neighbors and relatives bowing their heads as they quietly recited Muslim prayers.

Like the child's life, the ceremony was brief, over in a matter of minutes.

For tens of thousands of Rohingya Muslims trapped in displacement camps in western Myanmar, it is a scene that is becoming all too familiar.

The predominantly Buddhist nation of 60 million has been gripped by religious violence since it started moving from military rule to democracy three years ago, leaving up to 280 people dead and sending another 140,000 fleeing their homes. Most of the victims have been Rohingya, who are denied citizenship by national law and are looked upon by much of the population with disdain.

The suffering of pregnant women and sick babies goes on silently in the camps, in dark corners of barrack-style homes and bamboo huts.

They lost their main source of health care when the government kicked the aid group Doctors Without Borders out of Rakhine state in February. The activities of humanitarian workers helping deliver food and clean water were severely restricted after Buddhist mobs attacked their residences and offices a month later.

When complications in childbirth occur, patients cannot go to government hospitals without hard-to-get authorization and hefty bribes

Nearby clinics are usually staffed by just one or two doctors, sometimes for only a few hours a day. Many emergencies are now handled by midwives and workers in ill-equipped village pharmacies.

Nahad didn't even make it out of her makeshift bamboo hut to give birth. The 20-year-old lay on the floor for four days before going into labor, writhing in pain, her body soaked in sweat.

The young family was already deep in debt and could not afford to bribe anyone. And during her pregnancy, Nahad could not afford to eat anything except small amounts of vegetables and rice.

A midwife came, one of just three who serve more than 10,000 Rohingya in Dar Paing camp and surrounding areas. As the contractions intensified, she worked late into the night to finally coax the little girl into the world.

Four hours later, the child was dead.

Nahad was grief-stricken. She broke down into tears with every sideway glance at the small corpse in the corner of the room.

Her only other child, 2-year-old Mohammed Rohim, could not understand why he wasn't allowed to go to his mother, who could barely move because the bleeding wouldn't stop. He looked curiously at the baby, unaware it was his little sister. Finally he was shuttled from the room and placed under the care of neighbors.

When the sun came up, the midwife returned to help prepare the burial. The warm water poured over the little girl's body drained through the slats of the shack's bamboo floor. It was sprinkled with perfume and bundled up in white cloth, as is the Islamic tradition

A midwife came, one of just three who serve more than 10,000 Rohingya in Dar Paing camp and surrounding areas. As the contractions intensified, she worked late into the night to finally coax the little girl into the world.

Four hours later, the child was dead.

Nahad was grief-stricken. She broke down into tears with every sideway glance at the small corpse in the corner of the room.

Her only other child, 2-year-old Mohammed Rohim, could not understand why he wasn't allowed to go to his mother, who could barely move because the bleeding wouldn't stop. He looked curiously at the baby, unaware it was his little sister. Finally he was shuttled from the room and placed under the care of neighbors.

When the sun came up, the midwife returned to help prepare the burial. The warm water poured over the little girl's body drained through the slats of the shack's bamboo floor. It was sprinkled with perfume and bundled up in white cloth, as is the Islamic tradition

Nahad could hardly move. Others took her dead daughter to the mosque, walking along the muddy road between long, bamboo camp homes, sidestepping huge puddles left by monsoon rains. Some neighbors joined the procession, while others peeked out from the windows.

When they reached the cemetery, Mohammed Shafiq, the baby's 25-year-old father, dug into the wet earth with his spade. Other men took over from time to time until the hole was about 1 foot wide, 3 feet long and 3 feet deep.

There were more prayers as the tiny corpse was lowered into the grave and covered with dirt.

Nahad didn't have a chance to say goodbye.


Tuesday, 8 July 2014

Amid fears of communal violence, Myanmar’s Muslims struggle to rebuild

Source thenational, 7 July

MEIKHTILA, MYANMAR // Mohammad Yusud’s eyes cloud with sadness as he recalls when the Muslim population of his central Myanmar town were driven from their homes amid three days of violent chaos.
It was March 2013 and following a fight at a gold shop in the town of Meikhtila, a Buddhist monk was gruesomely murdered, igniting three days of violent riots. As the town burned, the attacks spread even to the commercial capital Yangon, more than 500km away, and to the northern city of Lashio.
In Meikhtila, 1,594 homes were destroyed and 10,000 people were displaced. Forty-three people died.

Locals disputed the official figures and said more than 100 died.
Among those that fled, Mr Yusud, a 60-year-old Muslim, now sees his community as subject to state persecution and fears for its future.
“The people who did this were from outside, they came and burned my home,” he said. “Our life was good, our community had homes and businesses, but now it’s very difficult. Muslim people here are afraid and worried something may happen again.”

Muslims are estimated to make up about four per cent of Myanmar’s predominantly conservative Buddhist population. In 2011, following decades of military dictatorship, the government began implementing limited political reforms. Yet, even as investors scrambled to secure contracts in the emerging country, the military continues to perpetrate brutal campaigns against ethnic minorities and the government persists in denying citizenship and human rights to its Rohingya population, a Muslim ethnic minority living in country’s western Rakhine state.

Muslims in Meikhtila, who come from various ethnic backgrounds, also continue to suffer, with more than 5,500 people still homeless after the violence and living in five makeshift camps.
On the outskirts of Meikhtila, Mr Yusud shares a small living quarters with his wife and grandson in one of the camps.
About 1,000 displaced people are crammed into partitioned bamboo structures within the compound of an Arabic-language school. Basic needs are provided for by the UN and NGOs, but uncertainty and the prospect of another monsoon season spent in the camp weighs on those inside.
“Our children aren’t getting educated,” Mr Yusud said, shaking his head. “The rain is coming soon and we will have many problems. What the government is doing here, it makes me very sad. This is only a policy to the Myanmar Muslims. I don’t like what’s happening. We need unity. We are one country.”

Despite monsoon conditions, work is under way to construct 273 residential units for the displaced in the town’s Chan Aye Thar Yar neighbourhood.
Scores of construction workers labour to the sound of cement mixers and hammers. The simple brick buildings, which will also house displaced Buddhists, represent the possibility of a new beginning for Meikhtila’s Muslims, but the project is impeded by a lack of funding.
Mufti Ali, who leads Friday prayers at Yangon’s MM Ranat Mosque, is one of the private fundraisers spearheading the reconstruction.

As worshippers leave the mosque, volunteers collect donations for the reconstruction. But the donations are limited in a country where the permcapita GD is $1,700 (Dh6,200) per annum.
Approximately $4 million more is needed to complete the work, according to Mufti Ali.
“We had many delays getting permission to rebuild and there has been no money available so we have raised all of the funds ourselves,” he said. “We are building houses for the Buddhists who became refugees also, but we don’t have enough money.”

Along with exorbitantly priced rebuilding permits, former residents are also required to show documents of tenure to local authorities, though in many cases these have been destroyed in the violence.
Those able to prove previous land ownership receive houses and those who cannot are offered flats in apartment buildings built and paid for by the Muslim community.

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In Mandalay, Violent Threats Against Those Trying to Report on Riots

Source Irrawaddy news, 8 July
Security forces in riot gear line up in Mandalay on July 5. (Photo: Teza Hlaing / The Irrawaddy)

MANDALAY — On the night of July 1, I experienced violence at first hand while covering the inter-communal clashes between Buddhists and Muslims that broke out in Burma's second-biggest city.

When I arrived at the scene of riots in the city center, the police were facing down a hostile mob. A Mandalay-based reporter standing right in front of me tried record the mayhem on his camera. Suddenly a man in a Buddhist monk's robes—whether he was a real or bogus monk I do not know—shouted angrily at the reporter.

"Why did you take my picture? Delete them now!" he yelled.

I noticed that we were surrounded by more than two dozen angry people. They seized the key of my motorbike. Someone called out that the memory card of the camera should be taken and a man snatched the reporter's camera from his hands and removed the card.

"Don't take your time. Just smash it!" someone cried, attempting to grab the camera too. The reporter gave me his camera to keep safe while he searched for his mobile phone, which had fallen on the floor nearby, and men from the crowd tried again to grab the camera, as well as my mobile phone.

Luckily, other people's intervention saved the camera.

"What is your nationality? Show me your ID card. You must be a Muslim because you took pictures of our side only," a Buddhist monk told us. "Why don't you take pictures of the Muslims over there? When people see our pictures, they may think we are bad guys."

The incident illuminates the difficulties the Burmese journalists face today, especially when covering communal strife. When we report that Muslims are attacked by Buddhists, we are accused of giving Buddhists a bad name. When we break the news that Buddhists have been attacked by Muslims, we are accused of instigating unrest in a country where the majority is Buddhist.

That is not to mention the difficulties of simply gathering the news, which continued. As we were roughly questioned by three men wearing monks' robes, other young men, who were visibly drunk, wielded sticks and iron rods in our direction, shouting: "No more questions. Beat them up! Smash their heads!"

Again people intervened to calm down the men, appealing that the memory card had already been taken. They gave me my key back and shooed us away. Thankfully, the mob turned its attention to the police.

Although we drove quickly away from the mob, my heart was pounding and I had to keep looking back to make sure we were out of trouble, worried that someone might follow us to hurt us.

I later found out that we were not alone in facing threats. On the night of July 2, another group of journalists faced angry mobs at least twice and were also stopped from taking pictures.

"While we were taking pictures of people rampaging at the corner of 35th and 84th streets, some rioters rushed to us, shouting 'what the hell are you doing?' We had to run for our lives," a photojournalist told me.

"To tell you the truth, I was really scared as they had sticks and swords. Whenever I was confronted with them, all I could think about was to run from them to safety," another reported.

A video journalist described encountering an angry group of about 10 young men while filming. "They tried to take my camera and they thought I am a Muslim. I explained them several times that I am a Buddhist and I didn't record anything," he said.

"I showed my empty camera and later they headed to another place. I was lucky, and I left the area immediately."

Since violence broke out in Mandalay on the night of July 1, rioting has so far claimed two lives: one Buddhist and one Muslim.

The mob was under the mistaken impression that we were fanning the riots, and we had little protection while trying to do our jobs. While a strict curfew is now in place, the security forces' efforts to protect journalists covering the early clashes were questionable.

But while they prevented us from taking photographs, those in the crowd were themselves capturing incidents and posting them on Facebook. The exclusion of reporters meant that Burmese social media was dominated by these real-time updates, often from people holding a cell phone in one hand while brandishing a sword in the other. This raises the question: why target the media and accuse us of bias and instigating unrest?

While people involved in the rioting may be using Facebook to fan the unrest, reporters were working to cover the events fairly and accurately.

But Facebook was also filled with posts accusing various media publishing in Burmese and English, including The Irrawaddy, of posting "misinformation" and of "exaggerating the news." Some even commented calling for people to "kill their reporters!"

On July 4, the day of the funeral of Tun Tun, a Buddhist man allegedly killed by a mob, journalists were again warned not to take pictures of the hundreds who attended.

Once again, abuse was shouted from the crowd. "Hey you, bastard media! Take a picture of us and you will be dead meat," one person shouted. The crowd photographed the reporters and boasted they had the journalists on camera.

Coverage of the funeral drew more anger on social media, and some spread the message for people to refuse to give interviews, to treat reporters badly and destroy their equipment.

The effect of all this is that some reporters no longer dare go out to cover clashes. When we do, we stay close to the police for some security.

The events of the past week, particularly the night of July 1, have left me fearful, but I will continue to report what is happening in Mandalay. But my question, on behalf of all journalists here, is: "How can we file stories that give the true voices of both sides if people from one side treat us so badly and the other side treats us well?"

I will never forget the red burning eyes of the angry men, the brutal words from those who wore robes and the faces of violence in the angry mob. The nightmare of last week will haunt me, my colleagues and the residents of Mandalay for a long time.

Monday, 7 July 2014

Victims of Ethnic Cleansing in Modern Day Concentration Camps of Burma/Myanmar

Victims of Ethnic Cleansing in Modern Day Concentration Camps


It has been over two years now Rohingyas and Kamans of Arakan state (western Burma) are totally excluded from Burma and fell into the worst of the worst part of tragic. This matter is a mix of similarities that have happen over history like; APARTHEID, SLAVERY & RACISM, EXTERMINATION.. For decades, Rohingyas have been oppressed, victimized and terrorized by the both government authorities and extremist Rakhine people. Ongoing ethnic cleansing pogroms with genocidal actions, repression and forceful eviction operations against Rohiongya minority, are recorded commonly in 1942, 1949 1967, 1978, 1991,1994/95, 2002 and the latest state sponsor pogrom over Rohingya and Kaman muslims of Arakan from June 2012..

From 8 of June 2012, total destruction across (13) different townships of Arakan state, reached at (97) mosques, about (23,000) houses from (95) villages. Death toll over 12,000 people and nearly 200,000 people displaced and number of arbitrary detention reached at least 12,00 Rohingyas and Kaman muslims mainly from Maungdaw, Buthidaung and Sittwe townships. Despite the central govt has characterized the events as 'communal violence, the government’s involvement and contributions into the crisis are very obvious.
  • 2) Allowing security forces to shoot the Rohingyas and Kamans, and not arresting a single armed Rakhine.
  • 3) Seizing lands of Rohingyas which were burnt down and disposing them into concentration camps.
  • 4) Blocking aid, foods and compelling to die from starvation and attacking aid workers.
  • 5) Denying their rights to have rights such as medicare, education, relocation, movement.
  • 6) President Thein Sein asking the United Nation to relocate Rohingya in a third country.
  • 7) Fabricating false news: the local Burmese news groups and anti-Rohingya bloggers reporting the way they like and playing a major role of bias through inciting anti-Rohingya propaganda and portraying Rohingyas as they want and providing reverse information.
  • 8) Forcing to accept foreigner identity in the mid of humanitarian crisis. Rakhine RNDP party openly declared the bounty reward for every dead Rohingya. Forcing to sign the documents that describe as illegal immigrants that have no claim to Burmese citizenship. When the Rohingya in the camp refused to sign the documents, the authority threatened the Rohingya and Kaman victims that no signing would no aid ever made it through the blockades again including aid from foreign organizations.
Minorities are continued to face vigilant attacks, extrajudicial killings, sexual abuses, arbitrary arrests and detention, inhumane tortures, use of landmines, the recruitment of child soldiers, forced labour, striking-off of citizenship and not allowing to recourse under new citizenship act.

A) Kachin state: By February 2013, internally displaced persons about 35,000 in Myitkyina (two camps in Jan Mai Kaung) and Waingmaw (Thargaya and Lavoa camps). Another about 40,000 displaced are in KIA/KIO-controlled areas. (while people fleeing into China is not counted into.)

B) Chin state: Chin refugees seeking refuge in Delhi-India from the past deacades and now living in tents left about 8,500 people.

C) Shan state: There are about 125,000 Shan displaced living along China border and some of them fled into China.

D) Karen and Mon states: More than 120,000 Karen, Kareni (Kayah) and some Mon people displaced internally. About 200,000 mainly Karen, Karenni and Mon refugees took refuge in Thai-Burma border refugee camps and most of them been there from the past three decades. By the end of year 2013, about 80,000 refugees are still living in ten refugee camps.

E) The government's massive contribution into violences in Rakhine State, later spreads to other parts of Burma with the lead of ex-prisoner monk Wirathu. 
1) Mandalay regions: Attacks in Miktila, Ywa Tan of Ramitin, Kyaukpandaung, Aylar, Chaunggyi Ywa of Thabake Kyin, Kyipauk Ywa of Sinku townships, destroyed about 3,500 houses plus several mosques and displaced about 15,000 Muslims and killing more than a hundred, including mass killing of 36 mostly teenagers in the small town of Meiktila on 20 Mar 2013.
By the end of 2013, more than 5,000 from Meiktila town alone (of whom more than 4,000 are living in five camps of Meiktila town and another about 1,000 with host families and in one camp in Yin Daw town). The rest about 9,000 people were allowed to return to their locations.

2) Pegu Regions: The attacks took placed across 8 townships of Monyo, Padigon, Gyobingauk, Okpho, Kinmma tract of Zigon (Thaygon), Minhla, Sit Kwin, Okthigon, Nattalin, and Okkan. Most of them were returned to their locations.

3) Sagaing Regions: About 320 people from Htan Gone village of Kanbalu township, had taken shelter in Muslim schools after a mob burned homes on 24 August 2013.

4) Yangon regions: Scattered attacks in Hlaing Tharyar, South Dagon, Tharkaytha townships. Arson attacks in Pebedan Madarasa killed 8 teachers and 28 students on 21 Mar 2013.

5) Magwe regions: A mosque, houses and belongings of 10 Muslims were demolished in Kanma Township on 13th April 2012.

6) Shan State: The attacks took place in Lashio destroyed the Myoma Mosque and estimated 5 Muslims have died and 30 houses were burnt down on the following day of Meiktila riot on 20 Mar 2013.

7) Kachin state: Attacks in Saitaung of Phakant township destroyed a few muslims’ houses and shops in the evening of about 2nd May 2013 .

8) Chin state: A village of 17 families live in Paletwa township were also attacked by Rakhine gangs came from Rakhine state as a result of it's situated along the Kaladen River connected to Arakan. After about a year of confinement, the situation has been normalized by community leaders and authorities..

F) Arakan/Rakhine state: displaced Rohingya and Kaman
There are total about 200,000 Rohingya, Kaman and Rakhine muslims people involving about 75,000 children displaced (of whom about 175,000) have been forced into protracted camps and the rest about a million are also in appalling conditions under confinement and facing constant abuses since June 2012. Displaced people about (110,000) are in 13 to 15 camps of Sittwe (Akyab) city and the rest about (65,000) those from other 8 regions in 26 camps are in aid-workers unreachable areas.

Some camps have temporary houses and most of the camps have makeshift tents only. The camps are 'Ghetto Type' and the condition is completely horror that aid can be delivered through government authorities if they agreed to and Rakhine gangs didn't block the access.

In Burma today there are Human Rights Organization, Red Cross Society, Healthcare clinic but all are puppet bodies of terror government and not delivering services for Rohingya and Kaman people. While Rakhine children are freely attending the government schools, the Rohingya youths those teaching Rohingya kids, distributing rations, translating language, providing medical assistance in the camps, are instantly targeted by local authorities. So, many Rohingya youths have continued to flee into neighbouring countries. Government authorities pretend unable to interfere in local matters and also instantly blocking aid delivery and medical treatment for displaced Rohingya and Kaman victims..

The authorities in Northern Arakan (NRS) and Rakhine people in Southern Arakan (SRS), oppress and attack Rohingyas and Kamans. Systematic dehumanization of Rohingya and Kaman people have been under practised for over two years since the beginning of violences from June 2012.
1) Akyab/Sittwe township: Displaced Rohingyans and Kamans about 9o,000 people were from (19) villages and others those displaced people came by boats from Pauktaw and Kyaukpyu townships, made up total about (110,000) people are living now in 13 to 15 camps. But only 7 refugee camps have temporary houses and the rest camps have makeshift tents while many thousands joined with relative houses. People in the camp have to struggle in raining season and day night they wet.
2) Pauktaw township: All Rohingya and Kaman people from about 5,000 houses across the town in (18) villages were dispalced and forced into the following 4 camps numbering now about (40,000) people.
i) Sintatmaw camp: displaced villagers from Haine Fara (Kaine Byin), Saysudaine and some Kaman people of Myebon and Kyaukpyu pushed back from Sittwe beach, were also placed into this camp.
ii) Kyine Ni Pyin camp: displaced villagers from Shweli Frang, Haime Fara, Kyine Ni Pyin, Ponnaagri, Twaine Fara.
iii) Anaraine camp: displaced villagers from Nayar Fara (Rwa Thit) & Furan Fara (Rwa Haung), Anaraine, Seiku Rwa, and Hunree Fara.
iv) Kudushi (Lamba Diya): Foer fara (Zawgyi), Kudushi Fara (Kudish village), Lamba Diya and Karargri, Dom Fara and Naine Chaung.

3) Kyauktaw township: About (7,800) displaced Rohingya people from about 1,200 houses across 9 villages are forced into the follwing 10 camps:
1) about 1,000 people in Shwe Hlaing (Maelifaung),
ii) about 600 people in Gupichaung (Guvitaung),
iii) about 500 people in Apoukwa (Aa-fok),
iv) about 1,500 people in Aine (Haine fara) and came from other villages,
v) about 900 people in Ambari (mango filed),
vi) About 1,200 people in Sangardaung,
vii) about 500 people in Ni-dann Fara are residents of Mar-nae-gyar fara (Zay Haung @ Central Market area),
viii) about 450 people in Khon-dol (Khaungdok-Alay gyuan),
ix) about 1,150 people in Nai-raung (Radanapon).

4) Kyaukpyu township: Displaced Kaman and Rohingya people in this town was primarily about 23,000 people from about 4,800 houses which were completely burn down. Most of them fled by boats, some reached Akyab/Sittwe, transferred to Pauktaw camp and got neighbouring countries.
The rest Kamans gathered themselves by boats and lived more than a year on board but they were forced into makeshift tents near Fishing warf (Paikseik) situated in front of Kyauktan military camp. Later, displaced Kaman and Rohingya people from Paikseik, Tamar chaung, Ambarla Fara, estimated total about 3,000 people..
Some of them are previous victims of Cyclone Giri of 22 October 2010..

5) Myebon (Peninsula) township: Kaman and Rohingya about 7,000 people (from about 750 houses) who were pushed into the jungle of the mountain during the attacks in their villages of Alay Baine Quarter in central area and Taungbaw Rwa (mountain village). Now left about 4,000 people in this area and call as Taungpaw camp (Mountain camp).. It is a squalid camp of muddy mess with raw sewage running through and the tents are ramshackle.
Their crops and fields have been taken over by Rakhine people. Rakhine Buddhists control the jetty and refuse to allow aid agencies regular access to the Rohingya camp.

6) Rambre (Peninsula) township: a few Kaman people living in the town and those from 22 houses burn down in Tan Rwa village were gone to unknown and since the beginning, the biggest Kaman people' village call Kyauknimaw (fishing village) estimated houses about 1,000 are still surrounded by security forces and constantly facing confrontation by Rakhine people.

7) Tandwe township: Half of entire Kamans and Rakhine muslims displaced people, were fled to other towns. The rest joined with relative houses, some gathered around the mountain beside (Twechin Rwa) and a few live on their burnt down lands, are still confined by local authority and Rakhine people..

8) Mrauk Oo & Minbya townships: More than 12,000 Kaman and Rohingya people displaced from about 2,100 houses burnt down in across 10 villages across the both regions.In Mrauk Oo, about 500 houses from Yainetay village (Zula Fara), about 2,00 houses from Parein village, were burnt down. Now, about 2,750 people living in the Yainetay village camp and another about 1,900 people living in the Parein village camp.In Minbya, about 150 out of 465 houses from Aung Dine villages, 86 houses from Sudaine Rwa (Santhodan/Creek Taung), 250 out of 319 houses from Kan Pali, 120 houses from Thar Dar, 229 houses from Tharak Rwa(Tharak Aok), some of 300 houses from Paiketay Rwa (Fishingvillage). Now, gathering as 1998 people in Aung Daine camp, 535 people in Sudaine camp, 1341 people in Kan Pali camp, 1669 people in Tharak camp, 56 people in Paiketay camp.

9) Ponnagyuan township:  A very drought village situated near the bay of Sittwe call Siddikul (Taedak Kadi) still living in the same location after built-up tempo houses.

10) Rathedaung township: About 600 houses from 7 out of 22 Rohingya villages were burnt down and total about 3,000 Rohingyas displaced.
i) About 5,00 displaced Rohingyas from about a hundred houses of Farang Chaung village and another about 230 displaced Rohingyas from 55 houses of Kondan (Kuttichaung) village, were transferred into Dongsey Fara camp.
ii) About 7,00 displaced Rohingyas from more than 200 houses of Saw Farang Fara, were transferred into Razabil camp.
iii) 1,200 displaced villagers from 120 houses of Kararo Kondan (Sara-paran) were piled over a year at Sarak Pran and finally moved them into Chilkhali Camp.
iv) More than a thousand displaced Rohingya villagers from Tabretaw (Zufarang Fara), Anauk Pran (Anakpran), Nyaung Pin Gyi (Muzadiyara), are still living in the tents around their villages.

11) Maungdaw township: About 1,200 people displaced from 250 houses burnt down across 16 villages are: 20 houses from Ward-3, 70 houses from Ward-4, 4 houses from Ward-5, 25 houses from Hafilya, 4 houses from Sawmawnya (Taung Paing Nya), 60 houses from Hunri Fara (Bomu Rwa), 7 houses Noa Fara, 6 houses from Myothugyi (Haineda Fara), 1 house from Nurula (Bagonna), a few houses from San Oo Rwa and Kadibil, 7 houses from 4 Miles area, 15 houses from Donpyin @ Sarkumba, one house from Longdon, 6 houses from Myoma Kayein Dan, and the rest were from Duchiradan village.
However, no shelter not aid has been provided to the displaced Rohingyas so most of them fled and the rest joined with their relative houses..
12) Buthidaung township: Two families of 13 displaced people moved to their relative houses after their houses were burnt down in Ward No.(1) on 23 Jan 2013..

The current Rohingya genocide in Burma is a case in which different forces in society and politics have converged to create, basically, a living hell for this particular group.1
Majority of Buddhist people believe Burma only belongs to them and democracy should only be available to them. Many western governments have tried to tame them but failed ever. We don’t believe anyone else can tame them. Consequently, the governments from western countries have commenced conducting business with Burma and securing their businesses and investment only. The military generals remember their crimes in the past and to protect from retaliation from its own people, they use Muslim as scapegoat by shifting focus on Muslims through Buddhist Monks by preaching hatred towards Muslim. The Burmese government is behind every conflict against Muslims recently by using their underground gangs, where organizations are morally supported by majority Burmese Buddhists.2

Burmese rulers have continuously committing crimes against humanity. It has been over two years now the government keeps the Arakan crisis alive. About a million of people are under systematic confinement and nearly 200,000 displaced people are ending up in the modern day concentration camps and enduring with confinement, constant abuses, dying at least 7 to 20 people mostly children and elderly people for lack of medicare and food supply. They are also forbidden from livelihood.
Surprising, we see that UN and its member countries use no power in Burma affairs even though there is ongoing humanitarian crisis across the country. Not ensuring aid delivery, medical treatment, and to ease the crisis. So, the 'normalization of the situation' is in bleak.

Unless direct and effective International Intervention, the government would not normalize the situation in Arakan and other parts of Burma.

Infiltration and Total Boats Sank in International Waters from June 20123:
From the beginning of violence from 2012 June, total about 95,000 of Rohingyas and Kamans have been crossed into neighboring countries. As a result of existing tyrannical persecutions in home country from the past five decades, nearly a million of Rohingya people fled into neighbouring countries and they became Burma's first refugees. Having similar problems in transit countries and remain unwanted anywhere, some of them risked their lives through secondary migration to safe territories. Today Rohingya refugees are uprooted in Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, Cambodia, India, KSA, and some transferree Rohingyan refugees in Nauru and PGN pacific island nations. A few, less than 1% were luckily resettled through UNHCR from 2001 to USA, British, Canada, Norway, Denmark, Germany, Sweden and Australia.

In Thailand: The number of Rohingya boat people languishing in the custody of the Thai authorities, reached at the peak of 2,000 people by end of 2013, plus existing hidden number of about 40,000 Rohingyas including many in various slave labours .

In Malaysia: Area based leaders estimate about 45,000 Rohingyas and Kaman living since earlier of 1990 where about 3,000 are recent arrivals through the borders but recorded only five boat arrivals including Singapore turn away boat4 from December 2012.

In Bangladesh: In the past two years, at least 40,000 Rohingyas and Kaman displaced refugees crossed into Bangladesh and therefore the border guards pushed them back in many occasion and resulting more than one thousand drown to death in about total 15 boats. Existing number about 400,000 Rohingya refugees including those living in UNHCR runs squalid refugee camps of Kutupalong and Nayapara in southern district of Cox’s Bazar about 40,000 people, have been there from the past three decades. Rohingyans those living outside the camps are never counted as refugees. The UNHCR has resettled about a thousand Rohingyas from the registered camps from year 2006. The enormous problems in Bangladesh are direct impacts on vulnerable Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and the government accuses intl communities for keeping the Rohingya matter alive.

In Indonesia: There are about a thousand in detention custodies and the rest other more than 2,000 Rohingyas and Burmese muslims are somehow living in various locations. And Resettlement of the Rohingya refugees to Australia began from the end of 2011.

In KSA: Rohingya refugees arrived during 1942, 1978, 1992 numbered about 500,000 and the majority living in Mecca’s slum quarters of (Naqqasha and Kudai) and Jeddah. The government has subsequently announce to issued tempo-visa but never been materialized.

In India: The Rohingya refugees living in India are never appeared publicly but a group of 1,500 Rohingya displaced in Hyderabad city came to highlight5.

In Cambodia: According to JRS, there are 17 recognized Rohingya refugees and four still seeking status by June 2013 while others have moved on.6

In Srilanka: The Srilankan Navy rescued 70 Rohingya people are languished in detention. The first batch of 37 Rohingya people have remained in the Mirihana Detention Centre since 2nd February 2013 . A further batch of 33 was also added there.7

Compiled by Habib
Edited by MSK Jilani (USA) & Sadek (Malaysia)

Published by:

1Genocidal Buddhists?: An Interview with Burmese Dissident Maung Zarni
2Russell from AusMa (Minority Support Group) based in Melboune, Australia

4 Malaysia takes in 40 Rohingya shipwreck survivors

5 Rohingya exiles struggle to survive in India


7. 70 Rohingyas languish in detention here with nowhere to go